by Eduardo Vasco, Strategic Culture:
Argentina is the pivot of a new stage in the United States’ continental dominance strategy, following the election of Javier Milei. It aims to establish new control over the Americas in the face of a global scenario of intensifying contradictions and accelerated loss of hegemony by American imperialism, within which a new world war is not ruled out.
Milei’s close ties with the U.S. have been exposed mainly by the Argentine and South American alternative press, in addition to the public demonstrations of the recently inaugurated Argentine leader.
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The script was nothing new: a supposed “outsider” with strong appeal on social media who promises to bury the “political caste” in the name of the “freedom” of ordinary citizens. A new political party with a movement look. The banner of the “fight against corruption”. This type of candidacy has become fashionable in recent years and it is precisely the recent history that helps to understand the involvement of North American imperialism in this game.
Nayib Bukele in El Salvador, Daniel Noboa in Ecuador, Vladimir Zelensky in Ukraine and Donald Trump in the U.S. are great exponents of this trend – although the latter, unlike the others, is not unanimous within the apparatus that dominates the U.S. establishment. They all came to power following a script also used by Milei. Jair Bolsonaro is also a famous example of this project.
But while these political figures had as tools only social media, their newly created parties and anti-corruption demagoguery, U.S. involvement was hidden from most observers. However, they then began to receive great attention from the mainstream media, to hold meetings with large businessmen, to receive praise from bankers and foreign actors to, finally, come to power.
In Milei’s case, it is even easier to recognize his relationship with American imperialism. Unlike Bukele and Noboa, and as well as Bolsonaro, Argentina’s new president openly declares his love for the United States.
These statements are revealing and worrying, but more revealing and worrying are the measures that the Buenos Aires leader is applying. This is true neoliberal shock therapy, that is, the policy of putting into practice its government plan in the shortest possible time, the complete and immediate devastation of all the social and economic rights of workers, the vast majority of the population.
Milei was not elected in a free, democratic election. No one can have the illusion that a program just like his can be chosen freely and spontaneously by the majority of voters. He managed to get elected thanks to a complicated and prolonged plot, which began with the abandonment of Cristina Kirchner’s candidacy to favor Peronism’s right-wing allies and ended with the support of Milei from the main bankers’ representatives in Argentina, namely Macrismo.
Kirchner suffered for years (and continues) fierce persecution, similar to that which perpetrated President Lula in Brazil, promoted by the judiciary and the oligopolistic press. It has finally become a consensus among the Latin American left that this “lawfare” is actually a coup on a continental scale, planned in Washington. And there can be no doubt about that. The entire Argentine bourgeoisie, subservient to the U.S., united to defeat Kirchnerism. The only one who could do this was Milei, whose demagoguery and business support won him a mass of voters. The pact with Macri and Patricia Bullrich, a “third way” candidate, sealed the commitment between Milei and American imperialism.
The soft coup of the elections is followed by a more hardline coup to ensure the success of shock therapy. Knowing that his program is rejected by the broad Argentine masses, Milei saw no problem in establishing a proto-dictatorship to curb opposition against his measures. The fines and sanctions against protesters, apart from traditional police repression, are clear dictatorial measures. The season of political persecution against unions, parties and social movements is open, inspired by the last military dictatorship experienced by Argentines – it is not only in words, but mainly in their practice that Milei and his allies express sympathy for the period of Videla and company.
While repressing popular opposition, Milei carries out the first measures of his program, such as cutting social programs, ending subsidies for the poor, privatizing state companies, dismissing thousands of public servants, censorship of the press (of course, not to the monopolies that elected him), the attempt (not yet implemented) to de-dollarize the economy.
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