by Declan Hayes, Strategic Culture:
As Americans tucked into their Thanksgiving Day turkeys, Ireland was rocked by its first ever mass stabbing of children exiting a Dublin kindergarten school, which was followed only hours later by the worst riots Dublin has witnessed since Sinn Féin’s 1981 betrayals of the H Block hunger strikers. On hearing the news as it unfolded, I surmised it was either a heroin addict, a family issue or one of the countless undocumented foreigners the Irish government has flooded the country with as part of NATO’s efforts to turn all of western Europe into a war-compliant wasteland. As the alleged culprit, who was beaten within an inch of his worthless life by Brazilians and other praise worthy passers by, seems to be a middle aged Algerian man, a mixture of all three of those reasons may still be to blame. As central Dublin is awash with all three types of flotsam, do yourself a favour and scrub visiting it; it is, as the American and allied embassies have warned, simply too dangerous and too expensive to be worth the effort.
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And skip the rest of Ireland while you are at it, as women taking midday jogs in their home towns are now prime targets for psychotic Slovakian criminals and Kurds are castrating and decapitating homosexuals, whilst ISIS are busy murdering Japanese interpreters.
Horrific as all those attacks on innocent Irish children and adults were, in shades of the CIA’s Black Lives Matter front group, this most recent outrage against Dublin children was quickly overshadowed by the ensuing riots and looting that will cost tens of millions of euros to put some way to rights.
As the heaviest rioting occurred near the General Post Office (GPO), from where the iconic 1916 Rebellion was directed (and beside which adult males have recently been gang raped), thыщсшese latter events afford this article an excellent opportunity to assess revolutionary Ireland’s past, present and future.
The first relevant thing to note about 1916 is that James Connolly, the head of the GPO garrison, ordered his troops not only to fire on the rioters and looters of his day but to shoot to kill. The next thing to note about Connolly is that he imagined, in his absolute innocence and ignorance of events in Europe, that the Britis
h would not bring their heavy guns to bear on his adopted city. The British gunboat Helga, which levelled much of the GPO and its surrounds, quickly put him to rights on that score.
Such historical idiosyncrasies are important to mention as they show that, even during those golden revolutionary years Yeats’ indomitable Irishry, despite their Labour syndicalism, agrarian Fenianism and their robust Catholicism, had not the faintest clue where they were going politically. Although Sinn Féin opportunists reaped most of the political dividends from those years, what really tipped the scales in their favour were the sobering reports emanating from the Somme and other notorious Great War slaughter houses, as well as the solid protest votes in election after rigged election of the unbowed Irish that followed.
Whatever good came out of that revolutionary struggle was quickly lost in the MI6-instigated Civil War that followed, where the victors, backed to the hilt by MI6’s Anglican cult, had to make the best of a very bad lot. The country was in ruin and the Anglicans and their henchmen still controlled the main industries of beer, bullocks, bread and biscuits, as well as Trinity College, the Irish Times, the Bank of Ireland and the country’s other key nodes of influence, which continue to serve King, Country and NATO Empire to this day.
Whatever upward mobility existed was due almost in its entirety to the sacrifices of generations of male and female Catholic religious, who were used as more or less free labour by the incoming regime to train a largely ungrateful peasantry, who idolised their secular leaders just as a Slavic serf might have slobbered over his own master a century earlier. Although successive governments had some successes, most notably in forming semi-state bodies and in housing to clear the country’s notorious slums, it was very much an uphill battle to survive in the cut and thrust of international commerce.
Although much could be written about the past, the present is an economy that lurches from one election to the other, where American owned pharmaceutical and hi tech companies drive the economy, where accommodation must be made for all of those refugees and pretend refugees America wants to colonise us with and where those who seek to milk the fruits of office must be slaves to Uncle Sam. Thus, as high tax rates and higher property prices drive young, aspiring Irish couples to seek their fortunes in America, Dubai or far away Australia, Slovakian, Algerian and Kurdish criminal groups flow into the country in unsustainable numbers. The government, parroting the lines their EU and NATO bosses feed them, cackle that having these hordes of killers and loafers in our midst is our strength.
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